Defense Secretary Robert Gates on Thursday ordered an overhaul of the Pentagon's use of retired
senior officers to advise the military, limiting the pay of senior mentors and requiring them to disclose their business
ties to defense contractors.
Federal Judge Finds N.S.A. Wiretaps Were Illegal
The government violated a 1978 statute requiring court approval
for domestic surveillance, a judge ruled.
General Smedley Butler: "War is a racket"
"War is a racket. It always has been. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most
profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the
profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives."
`I spent 33 years in the Marines. Most of my time
being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism.
`I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912. I helped make Mexico and especially
Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in
1916. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenue in. I helped in the rape
of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. `War is a racket.' – General Smedley
Butler, former U.S. Marine Commandant, `Common Sense' in November 1935.
More than half of the panel members appointed to review the Pentagon's latest four-year strategy
blueprint have financial ties to defense contractors with a stake in the planning process, a USA TODAY analysis shows.
members of the independent panel appointed to study the Quadrennial Defense Review include the panel's co-chairmen: Former
Defense secretary William Perry and former National Security adviser Stephen Hadley each work for the defense industry. Perry
is chairman of the board of LGS Innovations, a division of Alcatel Lucent, which won nearly $70 million in defense contracts
last year, and Hadley is on the board of Raytheon, which won more than $15.8 billion, according to government contracting
data. Neither responded to requests for comment.
Other members of the panel with defense ties:
* Richard Armitage: Member, board of directors, ManTech International. Appointed by Defense Secretary Robert Gates. * J.D. Crouch: Head of technology solutions group, QinetiQ. Appointed by Gates. * Joan Dempsey: Senior vice
president, Booz Allen Hamilton. Appointed by Gates. * David Jeremiah: Member, board of directors, ManTech International;
chairman, Wackenhut Services; chairman, Technology Strategies & Alliances, a consulting firm with defense contractors
as clients. Appointed by Gates. * George Joulwan: Member, board of directors, General Dynamics. Appointed by Gates. * Alice Maroni: Member, board of trustees, LMI Government Consulting, which provides consulting services for the military.
Appointed by Gates. * Jack Keane: Member, board of directors, General Dynamics; adviser to chairman, URS Corp.; chairman,
Keane Advisors, a consulting firm with defense contractors as clients. Appointed by Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz. * John
Lehman: Chairman, J.F. Lehman & Company, a private equity firm that owns defense contractors; member, board of directors,
Ball Corp., and EnerSys. Appointed by McCain. * Robert Scales: Chairman, Colgen LP, a consulting firm with defense contractors
as clients. Appointed by Rep. Ike Skelton, D-Mo.
Other members of the review panel:
* Rudy deLeon:
Former Defense official, now senior vice president at Center for American Progress. Appointed by Gates. * Sherri
Goodman: Former Defense official, now senior vice president at the Center for Naval Analyses. Appointed by Gates.
* Paul Van Riper: Retired Marine lieutenant general. Appointed by Gates. * Larry Welch: Retired Air Force general
and former head of the Institute for Defense Analyses. Appointed by Gates. * Charles Curtis: President emeritus
of the Nuclear Threat Initiative. Appointed by Sen. Carl Levin, D-Mich. * Eric Edelman: Former ambassador and Defense
official, fellow at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. Appointed by Rep. Buck McKeon, R-Calif.
* Richard Kohn: University of North Carolina professor of history and peace, war and defense. Appointed by Skelton.
* John Nagl: Retired Army lieutenant colonel and president of the Center for a New American Security. Appointed by Levin. * James Talent: Republican former senator from Missouri and fellow at the Heritage Foundation. Appointed by McKeon.
Sources: Defense Department, SEC filings and USA TODAY research
Korrupt Military Corporation
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National Security Advisor
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Asst. Defense Secretary
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Deputy Secretary of Defense
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Secretary of State
Rand Corporation, Hoover
Institute, Strategic Nuclear Policy
advisor to the Joint Chiefs,
Kellogg, Brown & Root
admiral, US Command,
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Air Force general,
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Carl E. Vuono
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War/ Security Contractors in the News
Outsource Contractors, coming
to your neighborhood, it's only a matter of time.
"Joint Forces Command pays for mentors through contracts with the university and three defense firms General Dynamics,
Northrop Grumman and Booz Allen Hamilton. The command picks the mentors, who are then paid by the university through a pass-through
deal with the Pentagon, said John Sokolowski, head of Old Dominion's Virginia Modeling, Analysis and Simulation Center.
That office handles the mentor program. Only the Marines pay mentors directly, USA TODAY found."
XE subsidiary does NASA----- Chenega Security & Protection Services, LLC to secure NASA locations---It
is anticipated that 14 firm-fixed priced task orders will be issued under the contract. Each task order will authorize work
to be performed at NASA locations throughout the United States. The basic period of performance will be for five years. The
contract will contain five one-year option periods. The contract also contains an option to increase the maximum value by
20 percent, if needed. http://www.nasa.gov/home/hqnews/2009/jun/HQ_C09-030_Protective_Services.html
Their salaries: tax free while in a combat zone. How's that grab you, tax-hating tea baggers?
use to execute war-profiteers, but I guess now we hire them as "mentors" to up-and-comings at the head of U.S.
military operations overseas. But only after we let a middle-man shave off a little to broker the contract.
NPR, New York Times and Sourcing Military Experts
By Alicia C. Shepard
The New York Times revealed last week that the Pentagon has long covertly pressured
and petted more than a dozen retired military media analysts to ensure they painted a positive picture of the Iraq war.
Among those cited was a military consultant for NPR. After a two-year investigation, Times' reporter David Barstow
described how the Pentagon cultivated military analysts for TV and radio by providing special access hoping in exchange for
positive spin on the war, particularly after it started going badly. In some cases, analysts used that access to promote their
post-military careers with defense contractors. Deep into the 7,600-word piece on April 20 Barstow mentioned an NPR military
analyst, Army Maj. Gen. Robert H. Scales Jr. (Ret.) and an email he sent to the Pentagon that could be construed as Scales
trying to gain favor in order to be sent to Iraq for high-level briefings. Scales denies this. "Any thought that I'm
a mouthpiece for this administration is ridiculous," said Scales in an interview. "I only ask that you review my
positions on the toll that the war is taking on our soldiers and my frustrations with the inability of the administration
to translate military advantage into political success and you will get my point. My main purpose for involving myself with
the media is to explain warfare and the military to a society that is detached from us to a great degree." In February
2003, NPR hired Scales, and Army Lt. Gen. Thomas G. Rhame (Ret.), to be on call as independent analysts partly because both
were commanding generals in the 1991 Persian Gulf War and they could speak articulately about the Army. Scales also was attractive
to NPR because he was a Vietnam vet, former head of the Army War College and wrote the Army's official account of the
Gulf War. NPR installed a high-quality audio phone line in Scales' home, and paid him $100 an hour, according to his contract.
When war broke out in March 2003, Scales appeared on different NPR news shows -- a total of 36 times in 2003, including 11
times during NPR special news reports in first days of the war. Scales also appeared on Fox News as a paid consultant. Between
2003 and 2004, he appeared on Fox 32 times with the title "military analyst," which negated any exclusivity for
NPR. Even after his NPR contract ended in March 2004, Scales continued to appear on air in an unpaid capacity. Since February
2003, he has been on NPR 67 times, most often (28 appearances) on All Things Considered. The latest was March 28, when he
gave ATC listeners an assessment of the fifth anniversary of the war. While Scales has a stellar military background, he is
also president of Colgen, Inc., a defense consulting company. But rarely was he identified on air as a defense consultant.
Only once in December 2006 was Scales' relationship to Colgen mentioned. At the same time NPR hired Scales, the network
also hired Rhame for $100 an hour, but did not install a home phone line, according to his contract. Rhame is now a vice president
of the United States Army (AUSA), a private, non-profit educational organization that supports Army personnel and their families.
During Operation Desert Storm, Rhame commanded the 1st Infantry Division. Rhame has appeared on NPR news shows 48 times --
43 of them in 2003. Unlike Scales, his affiliation with AUSA was often mentioned. NPR put the two generals on contract because
competition for military expertise among the electronic media was fierce as the war ramped up and NPR wanted its own experts
"We were facing the unique situation that everyone was looking for the same resource," said
Bruce Drake, former NPR vice president for news who left in 2005 and is with Congressional Quarterly. "Doing contracts
for regulars was not something we often did. It was a pretty hectic time and there was a lot going on. I don't think there's
any more mystery."
It was Tom Gjelten, NPR's Pentagon correspondent in 2003, who recommended Scales
and Rhame based on their military expertise. Gjelten said they were not vetted for business ties that might pose conflicts.
"We didn't honestly even consider that as I recall," said Gjelten, who now covers intelligence
agencies. "In the New York Times' analysis, it's a fairly complicated triangular scenario that produces a conflict:
A General wants to be a military analyst on NPR or some other news organization in order to curry favor with the Department
of Defense which in turn will benefit him in his defense contracting. That's a hypothetical scenario we have to be concerned
While Scales and Rhame may not have been vetted by NPR, it doesn't appear that either had any
glaring business conflicts.
Rhame works for a non-profit. Scales sees himself as a historian and futurist who,
as an independent consultant, writes papers and manuals. In fact, in the summer of 2004 Scales was one of the first retired
generals to contend that the military -- not just the Bush administration -- should bear some blame for what was going wrong
in Iraq.Testifying to the House Armed Services Committee in 2004, he criticized the military for spending too much money on
technology and not enough on educating its officers and soldiers about Iraq and Afghanistan.
"War is a thinking
man's game," he testified. "A military too used to solving war-fighting problems just with technology alone
should begin to realize that war must also be fought with intellect. We need to think about outthinking rather than out-equipping
Scales co-founded Colgen, Inc. in 2003 with retired Col. Jack H. Pryor. Colgen is "a defense
consulting and services company that advocates land power as the preeminent force in the defense of the nation," according
to its web site.
"I write papers, manuals, articles, give speeches and briefings mainly on military history,
concepts, future warfare and insights from Iraq and Afghanistan among other topics," said Scales, who has a PhD in history
from Duke University. "In general, my clients hire me based on my reputation as a defense intellectual."
Both Gjelten and NPR's Pentagon correspondent Tom Bowman say Scales does not spout the Pentagon's line.
"I have known Scales for years and like Tom (Gjelten) never heard him spin," said Bowman . "I have
always found him to be well informed, decent and a straight shooter, and he was certainly no great fan of the (former Secretary
of Defense Donald) Rumsfeld Pentagon, like many former and current Army generals who were also not fans."
Here is what The Times wrote about Scales:
Robert H. Scales, Jr., a retired Army General and analyst for Fox
News and National Public Radio whose consulting company advises several military firms on weapons and tactics used in Iraq,
wanted the Pentagon to approve high-level briefings for him inside Iraq in 2006.
"Recall the stuff I did
after my last visit," he wrote. "I will do the same this time."
This was a reference to a trip
Scales made to Iraq in October 2005, sponsored by the office of the secretary of defense.
"What I meant
to say was that I went in 2005 and I came back and reported on what I saw and I will be perfectly open to do the same thing
again," Scales told me.
But the Pentagon did not approve his request for a second visit in 2006. Scales
says he returned to Iraq for eight days last November at the invitation of General David H. Petraeus, the current U.S. commander.
"When I think things are going well, I'll say that," said Scales. "When they are going badly,
I'll say that. If NPR's audience is concerned about me being under the influence of contractors or the administration,
they are wrong. Frankly, I was lumped together with a whole bunch of people who were cited in this article and the inference
was somehow I was a shill for the administration. I'm not."
The Times story about the military analysts
did not give Scales' an opportunity to explain his role, except for a quote that "none of us drink the Kool-aid."
In other words, Scales said he and other generals did not automatically accept the Pentagon's arguments.
idea that I can't think for myself is what I find so disturbing about The Times' piece," said Scales.
After reading The Times story, however, about 40 NPR listeners either called or emailed to say they found it difficult
to see Scales as anything but a lapdog for the Pentagon. Some said Scales should never appear on air again. Another suggested
that all Scales interviews should be deleted from NPR's archives.
"As Ombudsman, you should demand that
Scales be fired," wrote Vincent Valdmanis.
Since Scales is no longer on contract
with NPR, he can't be fired. Rather than toss Scales off the air and lose his practical and scholarly knowledge of the
Army, in the future NPR should always be transparent and identify him as a defense consultant with Colgen. NPR's audience
can evaluate what Scales says through that lens. NPR should also append a note to each archived Scales' appearances that
indicates he is also a defense consultant with Colgen. What also is needed, and I believe NPR will now begin doing, is a more
careful vetting of all experts before they go on air. As soon as NPR editors read The Times' piece, emails began flying
trying to assess the damage and determine how to proceed. NPR waited until Wednesday on Talk of the Nation to first discuss
this issue publicly. The Bryant Park Project followed up the next day with two pieces on how the media was ignoring The Times'
story. Within two days after The Times story appeared, NPR had developed detailed guidelines for vetting on-air guests and
looking for potential conflicts of interests that even guests may not consider.
I think The New York Times piece was a good wake-up call for all of us," said Christopher Turpin, executive producer
of All Things Considered. "After consultations, Ellen Weiss, vice president for News has already implemented good common
sense changes in our procedures that balance aggressive vetting with the practicalities of booking guests on exceedingly tight
deadlines. I'll certainly make clear that my staff get the message loud and clear."
The Pentagon too
has re-thought its practice. On Friday, Pentagon officials suspended the special briefings for retired military media analysts.
14 Characteristics of Fascism
Dr. Lawrence Britt has examined the fascist regimes of Hitler (Germany), Mussolini (Italy), Franco (Spain), Suharto (Indonesia)
and several Latin American regimes. Britt found 14 defining characteristics common to each:
1. Powerful and Continuing Nationalism - Fascist regimes tend to make constant use of patriotic mottos, slogans, symbols,
songs, and other paraphernalia. Flags are seen everywhere, as are flag symbols on clothing and in public displays.
2. Disdain for the Recognition of Human Rights - Because of fear of enemies and the need for security, the people in fascist
regimes are persuaded that human rights can be ignored in certain cases because of "need." The people tend to look
the other way or even approve of torture, summary executions, assassinations, long incarcerations of prisoners, etc.
3. Identification of Enemies/Scapegoats as a Unifying Cause - The people are rallied into a unifying patriotic frenzy
over the need to eliminate a perceived common threat or foe: racial , ethnic or religious minorities; liberals; communists;
socialists, terrorists, etc.
4. Supremacy of the Military - Even when there are widespread
domestic problems, the military is given a disproportionate amount of government funding, and the domestic agenda is neglected.
Soldiers and military service are glamorized.
5. Rampant Sexism - The governments of fascist nations tend to be almost exclusively male-dominated. Under fascist regimes,
traditional gender roles are made more rigid. Divorce, abortion and homosexuality are suppressed and the state is represented
as the ultimate guardian of the family institution.
6. Controlled Mass Media - Sometimes to media is directly controlled by the government, but in other cases, the media
is indirectly controlled by government regulation, or sympathetic media spokespeople and executives. Censorship, especially
in war time, is very common.
7. Obsession with National Security - Fear is used as a motivational tool by the government over the masses.
8. Religion and Government are Intertwined - Governments in fascist nations tend to use the most common religion in the
nation as a tool to manipulate public opinion. Religious rhetoric and terminology is common from government leaders, even
when the major tenets of the religion are diametrically opposed to the government's policies or actions.
9. Corporate Power is Protected - The industrial and business aristocracy of a fascist nation often are the ones who put
the government leaders into power, creating a mutually beneficial business/government relationship and power elite.
10. Labor Power is Suppressed - Because the organizing power of labor is the only real threat to a fascist government,
labor unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.
11. Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts - Fascist nations tend to promote and tolerate open hostility to higher education,
and academia. It is not uncommon for professors and other academics to be censored or even arrested. Free expression in the
arts and letters is openly attacked.
12. Obsession with Crime and Punishment - Under fascist regimes, the police are given almost limitless power to enforce
laws. The people are often willing to overlook police abuses and even forego civil liberties in the name of patriotism. There
is often a national police force with virtually unlimited power in fascist nations.
13. Rampant Cronyism and Corruption - Fascist regimes almost always are governed by groups of friends and associates who
appoint each other to government positions and use governmental power and authority to protect their friends from accountability.
It is not uncommon in fascist regimes for national resources and even treasures to be appropriated or even outright stolen
by government leaders.
14. Fraudulent Elections - Sometimes elections in fascist nations are a complete sham. Other times elections are manipulated
by smear campaigns against or even assassination of opposition candidates, use of legislation to control voting numbers or
political district boundaries, and manipulation of the media. Fascist nations also typically use their judiciaries to manipulate
or control elections.
From Liberty Forum
Above: President Eisenhower warning the nation in a speech about the "military-industrial complex" in 1961.
Abt Associates Inc.
Iraq $43,818,278 USAID
Advanced Systems Development, Inc.
Iraq $259,958.56 DoD
Iraq $21,610,501 DoD
AllWorld Language Consultants
Iraq $4,051,349 DoD
American International Contractors, Inc.
Iraq $1,500,000,000 DoD
American President Lines Ltd.
Iraq $5,000,000 USAID
Iraq $866,988 DoD
Atlas Case, Inc.
Iraq $17,243 DoD
Iraq $35,734 DoD
Bea Mauer, Inc.
Iraq $9,920 DoD
Iraq $240,162,668 USAID
Bechtel Group Inc.
Iraq $2,829,833,859 USAID
Blackwater Security Consulting L.L.C.
Iraq $21,331,693 DoD
CACI International Inc.
Iraq $66,221,143.19 Interior
Capital Shredder Corporation
Iraq $11,803 DoD
Iraq $40,492 DoD
CDW Government, Inc.
Iraq $35,174 DoD
Iraq $1,465,983 DoD
Iraq $1,528,500,000 DoD
Chugach McKinley, Inc.
Iraq $3,068,407 DoD
Iraq $47,324 DoD
Complement, Inc., The
Iraq $3,358 DoD
Contrack International Inc.
Iraq $2,325,000,000 DoD
Creative Associates International Inc.
Iraq $273,539,368 USAID
Iraq $1,028,851.89 DoD
Dell Marketing L.P.
Iraq $513,678.88 DoD
Detection Monitoring Technologies
Iraq $5,584,482 DoD
Development Alternatives Inc.
Iraq $39,523,857 USAID
DHS Logistics Company
Iraq $223,497 DoD
DynCorp (Computer Sciences Corp.)
Iraq $50,000,000 State
Earth Tech, Inc.
Iraq $65,449,155 DoD
EGL Eagle Global Logistics
Iraq $111,000 USAID
Iraq $3,956 DoD
Electric Generator Store, The
Iraq $6,974 DoD
Environmental Chemical Corporation
Iraq $1,475,000,000 DoD
EOD Technology Inc.
Iraq $71,900,000 DoD
Expedited World Cargo Inc.
Iraq $55,004 USAID
Explosive Ordnance Technologies Inc.
Iraq $1,475,000,000 DoD
Iraq $21,182 DoD
Iraq $3,754,964,295 DoD
Iraq $274,651.95 DoD
Foster Wheeler Co.
Iraq $8,416,985 DoD
General Electric Company
Iraq Value Unknown DoD
Giesecke & Devrient America
Iraq $72,700 DoD
Global Container Lines Ltd.
Iraq $1,850,000 USAID
Global Professional Solutions
Iraq $590,232 DoD
Iraq $910,468 DoD
GPS Store, Inc., The
Iraq $19,761 DoD
Iraq $4,304 DoD
Iraq $165,000,000 DoD
Inglett and Stubbs LLC
Iraq $1,826,974 DoD
Intelligent Enterprise Solutions
Iraq $19,835 DoD
International American Products Inc.
Iraq $628,421,252 DoD
International Global Systems, Inc.
Iraq $157,383.40 DoD
International Resources Group
Iraq $38,000,000 USAID
John S. Connor Inc.
Iraq $34,153 USAID
Iraq $3,376 DoD
Kellogg, Brown & Root (Halliburton)
Iraq $10,832,000,000 DoD
Iraq Value Unknown USAID
Iraq $11,880,000 DoD
Lab Safety Supply
Iraq $53,379 DoD
Laguna Construction Company, Inc.
Iraq $19,536,683 DoD
LandSea Systems, Inc.
Iraq $47,750 DoD
Landstar Express America Inc.
Iraq $24,396 USAID
Liberty Shipping Group Ltd.
Iraq $7,300,000 USAID
Logenix International L.L.C.
Iraq $29,000 USAID
Louis Berger Group
Iraq $27,671,364 DoD
Lucent Technologies World Services, Inc.
Iraq $75,000,000 DoD
Management Systems International
Iraq $15,116,328 USAID
McNeil Technologies, Inc.
Iraq $716,651 DoD
Mediterranean Shipping Company
Iraq $13,000 USAID
MEI Research Corporation
Iraq Michael Baker Jr., Inc.
Iraq $4,528,328 DoD
Midwest Research Institute
Iraq $1,765,000 DoD
Military Professional Resources Inc.
Iraq $2,608,794.74 DoD
Miscellaneous Foreign Contract
Iraq $3,026,630 DoD
Iraq $15,591,732 DoD
Iraq $1,213,632 DoD
Iraq $70,000,000 DoD
Native American Industrial Distributors Inc.
Iraq $123,572 DoD
Night Vision Equipment Company
Iraq $153,118 DoD
Ocean Bulkships Inc.
Iraq $5,000,000 USAID
Iraq $1,500,000,000 DoD
Outfitter Satellite, Inc.
Iraq $33,203 DoD
Iraq $5,286,136,252 DoD
Parsons Energy and Chemicals Group
Iraq $43,361,340 DoD
Iraq $2,525,000,000 DoD
Raytheon Technical Services
Iraq $12,412,573 DoD
Readiness Management Support LC (Johnson Controls Inc.)
Iraq $173,965,104 USAID
Red River Computer Company
Iraq $972,592.90 DoD
Research Triangle Institute
Iraq $466,070,508 USAID
Ronco Consulting Corporation
Iraq $12,008,289.60 DoD
S&K Technologies Inc.
Iraq $4,950,384.80 DoD
Science Applications International Corp.
Iraq $159,304,219 DoD
Iraq $4,000,000 USAID
Iraq $320,636 DoD
Iraq $3,165,765 DoD
Shaw Group/Shaw E & I
Iraq $3,050,749,910 DoD
Iraq $4,704,464 DoD
Simmonds Precision Products
Iraq $4,412,488 DoD
SkyLink Air and Logistic Support (USA) Inc.
Iraq $27,344,600 USAID
Smith Office Machines Corporation
Iraq $2,961 DoD
Iraq $9,215 DoD
Stanley Baker Hill L.L.C.
Iraq $1,200,000,000 DoD
Iraq $7,709,767 DoD
Staples National Advantage
Iraq $4,194 DoD
Stevedoring Services of America
Iraq $14,318,895 USAID
Iraq $1,113,000 DoD
TECO Ocean Shipping Co.
Iraq $7,200,000 USAID
Tetra Tech Inc.
Iraq $1,541,947,671 DoD
Iraq $402,000,000 DoD
Iraq $4,696 DoD
Transfair North America International
Iraq $19,351 USAID
Iraq $228,924 DoD
Iraq $320,000 DoD
United Defense Industries, L.P.
Iraq $4,500,000 DoD
USA Environmental Inc.
Iraq $1,541,947,671 DoD
Vinnell Corporation (Northrop Grumman)
Iraq $48,074,442 DoD
Ward Transformer Sales & Services
Iraq $115,000 DoD
Washington Group International
Iraq $3,133,078,193 DoD
Iraq $3,040 DoD
Weston Solutions, Inc.
Iraq $16,279,724 DoD
Iraq $1,478,838,958 DoD
Because of inconsistent and, sometimes scarce, information provided by the U.S. government, the amounts in the "contract
values" field represent several type of contract payouts. The amount is either what has been paid to date on an existing
contract that may extend for several years; or it represents a minimum and maximum value range of the contract; or in some
instances it is the only figure provided by the government, and the contract parameters are unclear. All information known
about a given contract is included in the individual company profiles. Any information not given about a particular contract
could not be ascertained from either the government agency awarding the contract, the company or public sources of information.
Contracts for geographical areas that include both Iraq and Afghanistan are listed under Iraq, but individual contracts are
explained in the respective company profiles.
This text will describe the picture above.
If someone other than me has written an article, I'll be sure to include a byline at the bottom.